Impact of New Media Annotated Bibliography

Barlow, John Perry. "The Economy of Ideas: A Framework for Rethinking Patents and Copyrights in the Digital Age." WIRED 2.03, March 1994.

Subscribing to the minimalist "information wants to be free" approach to intellectual property, John Perry Barlow rejects the efficacy of expanded property rights regulations. He likens increased legal protections akin to keeping a an old boat floating "... a frenzy of deck chair rearrangement, stern warnings to the passengers that if she goes down, they will face harsh criminal penalties, and serene, glassy-eyed denial."

Instead, Barlow calls for the development of an entirely set of methods for a new set of circumstances. Such protections will rely more on ethics and encryption technology than on law.

Bell, Daniel. "The Social Framework of the Information Society," in The Microelectronics Revolution: The Complete Guide to the New Technology and its Impact on Society, ed. T. Forester, 500-549. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1980.

This essay amplifies and updates the many of the critical points in Bell's earlier work, "The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting." (NY: Basic Books, 1973) and explicitly links post-industrialism to the "Information Society." Bell identifies three elements of his post-industrial/ information society: (1) the change from a goods-producing to a service society; (2) the centrality of the codification of theoretical knowledge as a driving force in society; and (3) the creation of "intellectual technology' as the key tool of production (which he analogizes to machine technology in industrial society. Bell identifies the second point as "the axial principle " of the post-industrial society , noting that when theoretical knowledge is "codified" it becomes the "director of social change" (p. 501).

In positing knowledge as the strategic resource, Bell argues that "knowledge and its applications replace labor as the source of added value in the national product" (p. 506) In substituting this "knowledge theory of value" for Marx's "labor theory of value," Bell's totalizing break with the industrial era past is most apparent.

Besen, Stanley and Leo J. Raskind, "An Introduction to the Law and Economics of Intellectual Property," Journal of Economic Perspectives 5 (Winter 1991): 3-27.

Besen and Raskind state that the economic justification for intellectual property protection is that government needs to support innovation and create incentives for creative activity. But there is disagreement as to how much "intervention into the market" is necessary. Besen and Raskind define the objective of intellectual property protection as to create incentives which maximize the difference between the value of the intellectual property that is created and used and the social cost of its creation; including the cost of administering the system (p. 5).

They point out that this general formulation contains both an assumption that private producers have an incentive to invest in innovation only if they receive an appropriate return and the question of how to create an appropriate balance between the creation and dissemination of intellectual property? They acknowledge that "the less that innovation depends on the resources invested and the potential economic rewards, the more limited is the case for granting substantial rights to creators." (p. 6).

Bettig, Ronald V. Copyrighting Culture: The Political Economy of Intellectual Property, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996.

This critical interpretation of copyright history examines the ownership and control of content resulting in the continuing enclosure of the intellectual and artistic commons. Finding this neither inevitable nor necessary, Betting explores ways the expansionary logic of intellectual property can be confronted.

Boyle, James, Shamans, Software, and Spleens: Law and The Construction of the Information Society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996.

Boyle discards the romantic entitlement theory of authorship because it leads to too many intellectual property rights in the wrong hands and devalues many collective efforts. He emphasizes the need for a social theory suited to democratic values in the information age.

Breyer, Stephen, "The Uneasy case for Copyright: A Study of Copyright in Books, Photocopies and Computer Programs." 84 Harvard Law Review 281-351, 1976.

In an often cited article, future Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer argues that copyright protection has faults and that these drawbacks should be considered before extending its scope. Breyer poses the broad question, "Would the abolition of copyright protection seriously injure book production? He argues that the abolition of copyright protection result in greater competition for the production and sale of individual titles and that publisher revenue would only face a slight decrease. The counter argument is that if a subsequent publisher could copy and sell a book at lower costs than that incurred by the individual publisher. If such competition could force the price down to the copier's cost, the initial publisher could not recover fixed costs or pay the author.

Breyer recognizes that many of the fixed costs borne by the original publisher do not have to be paid by subsequent publishers. But while the copier's cost advantage is large, it is smaller in the case of trade books (containing mostly simple text) than textbooks that contain fixed cost intensive tables, illustrations, indices and footnotes. But despite the general cost advantages to copying publishers, Breyer contends that this does not, by itself prove that copiers will drive a price low enough and soon enough to prevent its original publication. Nor does it show that several publishers will necessarily try to copy published books. This is due to various countervailing forces.

These countervailing forces represent several advantages that the original publisher retains which may partially offset the copier's lower production costs. First, the original publisher will be first to the market and buyers may not be willing to wait for the cheaper copy version. This is especially significant in the case of a tradebook, which begins to return revenues sooner than textbooks. Second, the copiers may feel constrained by fear of retaliation from the original publisher.

Breyer argues that lack of copyright protection would produce no more than a modest fall in publishers' revenues and even this decline would normally be limited to high volume works. He states that a modest fall in college textbook publishing revenue should not cause much concern. Even if this threatens the royalty income of professors, they would then turn their time to other endeavors such as scholarly articles or teaching.

Several benefits from copying are also indicated including lower prices and wider distribution. Breyer contends that the most significant fall would be in the price of textbooks and that this has a particular social value in terms of increase in the dissemination of scholarly work, more productivity and increased research. Another benefit is the elimination of the transactions costs of obtaining permissions to reproduce.

Breyer concludes that while the case for copyright in books as a whole is weak, it is stronger in the case of tradebooks than textbooks and scholarly works. Despite the analysis presented, Breyer recognizes the limitations of his arguments and ultimately takes the ambivalent position that there should be no drastic revision in the law. But he is much less ambivalent when considering incremental changes in the law in the direction of greater copyright protection.

These observations seem equally applicable today in evaluating the level of policy analysis supporting the legislation being considered by the 105th Congress. Despite the limitations of Breyer's discussion of abolishing copyright protection, his analysis continues to have important implications for copyright policy. The arguments most often advanced to increase copyright protection are shallow in Breyer's view.

Carchedi, G. "High-Tech Hype: Promises and Realities of Technology in the Twenty-First Century." in Davis, Jim, Thomas A. Hirschl and Michael Stack (eds.). Cutting Edge: Technology, Information, Capitalism and Social Revolution, New York: Verso, 1997.

de Long, J. Bradford and A. Michael Froomkin. "The Next Economy?" in Deborah Hurley, Brian Kahin, and Hal Varian, eds., Internet Publishing and Beyond: The Economics of Digital Information and Intellectual Property, Cambridge: MIT Press, forthcoming, 1998.

DeLong and Froomkin make the point that modern technologies are undermining the features that make the Invisible Hand an effective and efficient system for organizing production and distribution. They note that what used to be "second order externality corrections" are becoming "first order phenomena." These second order corrections for market failure worked reasonably well so long as the problematic industries and commodities were an easily identified and relatively small subset of the economy. Physical commodities were rivalrous and excludable and the structure of the distribution network delivered a reasonable degree of transparency. While these assumptions failed at the margins, they worked well enough.

The authors recognize the incentives that producers of information have in reintroducing rivalry and exclusion, but that such measures create difficult challenges for policy makers. As to increasing exclusivity, they warn of three dangers: "First, technologies which permit excludability risk introducing socially unjustified costs if the methods of policing excludability are themselves costly. Second, as the example of broadcast television demonstrates, imperfect substitutes for excludability themselves can have bad consequences that sometimes are difficult to anticipate. Third, over-perfect forms of excludability, raise the specter that traditional limits on excludability of information such as fair use might be changed by technical means without the political and social debate that should precede such a shift. They accordingly caution that In the absence of any clear indication of what the optimum would be, the burden of proof should be on those who argue that any level of excludability should be mandated."

As to rivalry, they warn that imposing it where it's not naturally found means imposing a socially unnecessary cost. Accordingly, the note that policy makers should therefore be very suspicious of any market-based arguments for artificial rivalry."

DeLong and Froomkin conclude that defenders of the Invisible Hand will need new arguments to justify their system of competitive markets when its traditional prerequisites for optimality are gone. However, they stop short of providing an alternative model.

Gandy, Oscar H. The Panoptic Sort: A Political Economy of Personal Information, Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993.

Gandy offers a critique of the "panoptic sort," an all-seeing technology which involves the collection, processing and sharing of information about people and groups. "Sort" refers to the segmentation and categorization of subjects based on their worth to the market, a practice Gandy sees as inherently discriminatory.

Borrowing Foucault's concept of a technology of power, the panopticon need not be limited to prisons but is equally applicable to other institutions. Gandy extends this theory of power to the operation of the modern economy, seeing that control may be exerted over individuals by a continuous and automatic surveillance which sorts people into different categories based on their estimated value to the market. This panoptic sort is seen as central to the workings of the economy as it is used to both coordinate the creation and direction of consumer demand and control access to the distribution of goods and services.

Ultimately, Gandy views the panoptic sort as an anti-democratic system of control. He denies it can be transformed because it serves no purpose other than the rationalization and control of human existence. He accordingly questions proponents of the "privacy agenda" for the unrealistic view that a data protection agency might keep the panoptic sort under control. While failing to offer much concrete programmatic guidance, Gandy's work provides an essential critical lens from which to view and analyze the various policy proposals.

Dyson, Esther. "Intellectual Value", WIRED 3.07, July 1995.

Dyson advises content providers to manage their businesses as if content were free, but then to create relationships or develop ancillary products and services that cover the costs of developing content. She doubts that metering and tagging schemes will change the overall approaching-zero trend of content pricing. Instead, the presence of reliability enhancing services will be key.

She contends that on the Internet, economic value shifts from the transformation of bits rather than bits themselves. Services for the selection of content and for the assurance of authenticity are given as examples of sources of value rather than the information assets themselves.

Govan, James B. "The Creeping Hand: Entrepreneurial Librarianship," Library Journal, 113(1) 35-38, January 1988.

Govan warns that the commodization of library service will undermine public support and change the atmosphere and character of relationships between patrons and librarians and that these losses far outweigh the limited revenue which can be realized through fees. Rather than adopt entrepreneurial values, librarians should maintain their committment to free services and public access. The author also argues that to the degree libraries become retailing shops, librarians will cease to be professionals and will become shopkeepers.

Landes, William M. and Richard A. Posner. (1989) "An Economic Analysis of Copyright Law." Journal of Legal Studies 18(2): 325-363.

In their often-cited formulation for the economic justification for intellectual property law, Landes and Posner develop a positive economic model of copyright protection. This model attempts to explain copyright law as a means for promoting the efficient allocation of resources. The model recognizes the "public goods" nature of intellectual property and is based on the tradeoff between limiting access to works and providing incentives to create works. The model is guided by the assumption that the law's "principal legal doctrines must, at least approximately, maximize the benefits from creating additional works minus both the losses from limiting access and the costs of administering copyright protection." (p. 326)

In the Landes and Posner model, the cost of creating a work is first separated into its fixed and variable components. The fixed costs, or the costs of expression, include the author's time and effort and the publisher's costs of soliciting, editing and preparing the manuscript. The variable costs of producing a work, including printing, binding and distribution, increase with the number of copies produced. They assume that for a new work to be created, the expected return must exceed the expected cost and that copies will be made up to the point where the marginal cost of one more copy equals its expected marginal revenue. (p 327). Without copyright protection, a competitor could buy a copy of a work and produce and sell copies of it.

Since the copier's cost do not include the original fixed costs of expression, the model holds that "[t]he market price of the book will eventually be bid down to the marginal cost of copying, with the unfortunate result that the book probably will not be produced in the first place, because the author and publisher will not be able to recover their costs of creating the work." (Id. at 328).

The publisher's problem is magnified since all fixed costs and some variable costs must be incurred prior to knowing what the demand for the work will be. The model holds that compensation for this risk of failure must also be included in the difference between the price and the marginal cost. The copier's ability to defer making copies until having knowing that the work is a success increases the potential gains from free riding on the original work.

But at this point, a further level of analysis is needed which involves a normative evaluation of merit goods and the potential for public provision. The inability of the positive economic model to account for these qualitative and value laden considerations is cause for growing criticism of the model.

Litan, Robert E. and William A. Niskanen. Going Digital!: A Guide to Policy in the Digital Age, Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institute, 1998.

Lyon, David, Postmodernity, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.

Lyon uses the term "postmodernity" to describe the social and cultural shifts that are occurring across the world as technology advances at a rapid rate. In this work he provides a critical assessment of postmodernity, addressing both its strengths and its weaknesses.

In Chapter Four ("From Postindustrialsim to Postmodernity") Lyon considers the concept of postindustrialism and discusses whether it leads to postmodernity (as suggested by Lyotard), or toward a renewed modernity, resting on the concept of progress (as per Daniel Bell). Lyon leans towards Lyotard's analysis. He does not believe in the inevitability of technological progress leading to the advancement of the human condition. However, unlike other postmodernists, he considers some of the problems associated with postindustrialism and does not necessarily reject the possibility of technological progress. Lyon would attempt to understand and guide technological development rather than ignore it.

This work is a clear and accessible treatment of a highly abstract and difficult area and serves as a useful primer those wishing to understand the postmodern critique of post-industrialism.

Lyotard, Jean-Francois. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984.

Lyotard provides a relatively simple definition of postmodernism as "incredulity toward metanarratives". He argues that no one story or set of rules can accurately explain disciplines of knowledge and communication. While Lyotard sees the computerization of society as an inevitable result of the postindustrial world, he is less optimistic about the outcome as Daniel Bell. In contrast to Bell's technological determiniism, Lyotard sees the relationship between culture and science as complex and multi-faceted; interrelated transformations in the technological, cultural and economic spheres significantly impact the "status of knowledge". Unlike Bell, Lyotard does not privilege the role of knowledge and he is critical of its commodification and tendency to be legitimized only by its performitivity.

While this "report on knowledge" is not always easy to follow, it provides a thought-provoking counterbalance to the dominant view of the information age.

Mackaay, Ejan, 1996.

Mackaay points to the inability of the traditional economic model to operate in the digital environment and uses the metaphor of a crumbling fence to describe the Internet's effect on intellectual property rights. In questioning whether the law should be called upon to shore up these rights in the face of crumbling fences, he distinguishes between legitimate property rights and illegitimate rent seeking. The latter refers to a series of activities whereby special interests are able to use the political system to gain advantages they could not obtain merely through market mechanisms.

Mackaay does not believe that extending the reach of the law to repair the crumbling fences is within the proper scope of government. Nor does he believe this will leave a vacuum or a breakdown of law and order as the development of norms will create order and the designer of new products may create their own fences.

Mandel, Ernest. Late Capitalism [1972] (trans. by Joris De Bres), London: Verso, 1978.

This work is an attempt to synthesize Marxist economics with 20th century developments. Of particular interest to this inquiry is the author's treatment of technological innovation. Mandel argues that while in the (earlier) age of freely competitive capitalism, the main quest for surplus was based on the uneven development of different areas of the world (p. 184); in the present era this role assumed by different sectors and enterprises (p. 192). This results in a permanent pressure to accelerate technological innovation and the unending search for "technological rents." Mandel defines "technological rents" as surplus profits derived from a monopolization of technical progress (discoveries and inventions which lower the price of production of commodities) that cannot become generalized throughout a given branch of production. The ability of "technological rents" to account for surplus profits beyond the short or medium run has historically been questioned as this differential in productivity tends to be closed as other firms adopt to technological advances. But the control of patents as well as difficulties of entry may extend the period of this advantage.

In Chapter 8, Mandel focuses on the acceleration of technological innovation, which he characterizes as a corollary of the systematic application of science to production. While there was a relationship between capital and innovation in the 19th century, Mandel stresses that the "systematic organization of research and development as a specific business organized on a capitalist basiscame into its own only under late capitalism" (p. 249). Capital is able to earn an enormously high rate of return from research and development activities; hence the importance of technological rents.

Mandel argues that an acute contradiction develops between "the cumulative growth of science" (along with the social need to disseminate it broadly) and "the inherent tendency of late capitalism to make science a captive of its profit transactions" (p. 263).

Marvin, Carolyn. "Challenges to the Dominant Ideology of the Information Age: Philosophical and Theoretical Assumptions, Images of the Future, The International Dimension." in The Ideology of the Information Age, edited by Jennifer Daryl Slack and Fred Fejes, Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1987, Chapter 3.

Marvin confronts the notion that we line in the "Information Age" and argues that the concept is an ideological construct, or "the start-fresh propaganda of our age." Marvin argues against assigning the status of reality to "Information Age," since the concept is in need of more analysis. She criticizes information age theorists such as Bell and Porat who identify information as an economically beneficial commodity while overlooking questions of meaning, culture, value, and the ambiguity of "information." She would prefer a broad historical view of information.

Marx, Karl. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. Volume 1: The Process of Capitalist Production, New York: International Publishers, 1967, Chapter 1.

Capital is a theoretical work which is intended to form the basis of an analysis of a capitalist economy. Marx attempts to identify the basic structures of capitalism and derive 'laws of motion' which arise from it. The work is only a study of the capitalist mode of production; it is not a general summary or outline of Marx's broader corpus of works.

Under Marx's view of history (developed in earlier works). capitalism is the latest in a series of distinct 'modes of production.' A mode of production is typified by the basic structure of the relations of production involving exploited and exploiting classes. The 'capitalist mode of production' is characterized by (1) the employment of workers by capitalists; and (2) the production of commodities for exchange. That Marx begins the first chapter with an analysis of this second feature makes an overall reading of Capital more difficult and abstract. The treatment is neither chronological (primitive accumulation and the rise of capitalism is dealt with later in the first volume) nor logical in the sense that the treatment of commodities in chapter 1 assume (the concepts of surplus value, exchange and money are also introduced subsequently). Accordingly, chapter 1 may appear as overly abstract and not well grounded. Nonetheless, it contains crucial concepts to Marx's overall presentation.

In section 1, two aspects of a commodity, use value and exchange value, are set forth. The distinction between these two aspects is critical because while use values are trans-historic, exchange values are unique to the capitalist mode of production.

All societies produce things that satisfy human needs in some manner. Use value is defined broadly and Marx stresses that no value judgments are made about the social utility or desirability of use values. It is simply a quality which satisfies human needs and meets an effective demand of whatever kind. Marx stresses that the use value of a commodity is independent of the labor required to make it useful.

In contrast to use value, exchange value is a quantitative relation, the proportion by which use values of differing kinds exchange for each other. Marx's ties this quantitative relationship to the amount of labor required to produce the use value through the 'Law of Value' which states that goods will exchange accordingly to their socially necessary cost of production measured in socially necessary abstract labor time. Socially necessary labor time is the time required to produce any use value under normal conditions of production with the average degree of skill and intensity of labor generally prevalent in a society.

The distinction between use value and exchange value is extended to the dual value of the labor embodied in commodities in section 2. The use-value of every commodity contains useful labor, another transhistoric phenomena. But in societies where commodities are produced primarily for exchange, a division of labor is required and different types of labor produce exchange values regardless of which use value is produced. This is designated abstract labor.

Marx further explicates exchange value in section 3 and proceeds from a general form of value to a money form, a universal equivalent. An equivalent form of a commodity is defined as the form in which it is directly exchangeable with other commodities. While exchange first arose as occasional barter, an isolated instance, such an equivalent form (i.e. money) becomes necessary in a system based on production for exchange.

Commodity production requires a social division of labor in which many factors are interdependent.

McChesney, Robert. The Political Economy of Global Communication In Capitalism and the Information Age: The Political Economy of the Global Communication Revolution, edited by Robert W. McChesney, Ellen Meiksins Wood, and John Bellamy Foster, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1998, Chapter 1.

Menzies, Heather. Challenging Capitalism in Cyberspace: Information Highway, the Postindustrial Economy and People. In McChesney, Chapter 5.

Mosco, Vincent. "Introduction: Information in the Pay-per Society," in The Political Economy of Information, edited by Vincent Mosco and Janet Wasko. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988.

In this collection of essays, editors, Vincent Mosco and Janet Wasko look at the changes taking place in society relating to computer and communications technologies by looking at information, since information is the principal product of computer/communications systems. Their unit of analysis is not simply information, but more precisely information as a commodity.

They use the term "political economy" in relation to information because a useful way to understand social change is to examine how power is used to shape the production, distribution, and use of information as a commodity. They note that a fundamental source of power in capitalist society is profit from the sale of commodities in the marketplace and that a major driving force in the development of capitalism has been the incorporation of things and people into the commodity form.

The articles in their collection consider the process of incorporating information into the commodity form. Noting the relationship between power and commodity, Mosco and Wasko criticize the division of academic disciplines into politics and economics. They offer this collection as one among a number of efforts to return to the original field of classical political economy.

Qvortrup, Lars. "The Information Age: Ideal and Reality." in The Ideology of the Information Age, edited by Jennifer Daryl Slack and Fred Fejes, Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1987, Chapter 8.

Robins, Kevin and Frank Webster. "Information as Capital: A Critique of Daniel Bell." in The Ideology of the Information Age, edited by Jennifer Daryl Slack and Fred Fejes, Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1987, Chapter 6.

Robins and Webster reject Daniel Bell's characterization of postindustrial society as the information society as an "effective ideological smokescreen" which impedes an understanding of the significance of information technology to contemporary capitalism. Instead, they utilize a theoretical framework that views the development of information technology as an expression of the logic of capital accumulation.

Rather than accept the information society as something qualitatively new, Robins and Webster see it as an extension and intensification of processes already set in motion under capitalism. They show a direct link between Taylor's scientific management and post-industrial theory thereby locating Bell's information society in a wider historical context where knowledge and skill are have continuously been centralized, codified and monopolized by an elite.

Whereas Bell utilizes technicist assumptions of technological development which are asocial, Robins and Webster stress that information technology is a social relation rather than a neutral productive force.


In response to the Tyson-Sherry Report, Samuelson argues that it fails to provide a basis for an exclusive property rights form of legal protection for the contents of databases. She counters that the report significantly understates the harm to competition that an "exclusive property rights regime" to protect the contents of databases would likely produce, and that the report lacks adequate empirical data in support of its proposal such rights.

Schiller, Dan. "The Information Commodity: A Preliminary View." in Davis, Jim, Thomas A. Hirschl and Michael Stack (eds.). Cutting Edge: Technology, Information, Capitalism and Social Revolution, New York: Verso, 1997.

Schiller makes the distinction between "post industrial theorists" and "information commodity theorists" explicit. The former claim that industrial society has been transcended and that information labor is fundamentally different than other forms of work. The later claim that information can be compared with the vast range of other commodities to show that their production similarly relies on capitalist relations of production. Schiller critiques information society theorists (such as Daniel Bell) for their axiomatic reification of intellectual labor and for the resulting tendency to shift attention away from social division, inequality and political conflict.

Arguing that the process of commodification of information is a continuation of capitalist relations of production, Schiller distinguishes two cases: (1) where information is the final product; and (2) where information is an intermediate component of production. In both cases, the process of commodification is evidenced where capitalist relations are accepted into what had earlier been noncapitalist forms of the production of information. While capitalism has historically evidenced this tendency, it is now more visibly occurring in the field of information where the production by wage labor for market exchange is becoming more prevalent. This is most evident in the area of cultural production and results in the transformation (commodification) of aspects of life previously outside of the market. The competition faced by public libraries from various commercial services is given as an example.

The commodification process is not limited to information as the final product or service but also includes intermediate capital (or producers') goods. For example, personal information about the practices of consumers is collected, stored, sorted and resold as a capital good (see Gandy, 1993). Schiller also notes that an increasing share those providing "information inputs" (public relations, lawyers, accountants, bankers) are operating as employees and less likely to be independent producers. Thus, while commodification of the field of cultural production may be the most visible aspect of a transition to an information intensive economy, it is not dependant simply on the processes within the relatively narrow media/entertainment sector. It is a thoroughgoing process operating across a vast range of activities.

By focusing on the continuity of the expansion of commmodity production into new spheres, Schiller provides a powerful counterpoint to the discontinuities of information exceptionalism inherent in mainstream post-industrial theory.

Schiller, Herbert I. Culture, Inc.: The Corporate Takeover of Public Expression, New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.


This report was written to support the "Collection of Information Antipiracy Act" (105th Congress, H.R, 2652 ). Tyson and Sherry assert that databases produced and disseminated by private producers require legal protection to ensure that they are provided in amounts and forms consistent with their market demand. Arguing that market failure resulting from appropriation will result in an under-production of needed information. Without effective statutory protection, they contend that private firms will be deterred from investing in database production and that this will have adverse effects on technological progress and economic growth.

Webster, Frank. Theories of the Information Society, New York: Routledge, 1995.

Young, T.R. "Information, Ideology and Political Reality: Against Toffler." in The Ideology of the Information Age, edited by Jennifer Daryl Slack and Fred Fejes, Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1987, Chapter 7.